Seyed Mohammad Reza Mousavi Phd(with the participation of the Iranian Scientific Association of International Security) Journal of Political Strategy 2588-4565 3 10 2019 11 22 Exploring the Domestic and International Conditions of the 1919 Contract (Dimensions and Approaches) Exploring the Domestic and International Conditions of the 1919 Contract (Dimensions and Approaches) 1 18 110178 FA Saeed Jahangiri PhD in Political Science, Iran Issues, Faculty of Law, Theology and Political Science, Science and Research Branch, Islamic Azad University, Tehran, Iran. Ebrahim Mottaghi Professor of Political Science, University of Tehran, Faculty of Law and Political Science, Tehran, Iran 0000-0001-8713-7410 Shahrokh Ashjae Mahdavi PhD Student in Political Science, Iran Issues, Faculty of Law, Theology and Political Science, Science and Research Branch, Islamic Azad University, Tehran, Iran Journal Article 2020 07 10 One of the most important political currents was the constitutional period of the 1919 treaty, which was dated 18 August 1298. It was closed by the then Prime Minister of the reign of Ahmad Shah. The 1919 Iran-England contract was a major turning point in Iranian history in the modern era, and in our country's relations with England. It was widely believed that if the Reuter Treaty had provided all of Britain's wealth resources, the 1919 treaty would have yielded both wealth and power to Britain. Vosough al-Dawlah, however, saw the deal as a step toward preserving the country's territorial integrity and believed that the deal would prevent Khuzestan's sovereignty. The failure of this contract resulted in the coup d'état of March 1299 (1921), the emergence of Reza Khan, the establishment of the Pahlavi government One of the most important political currents was the constitutional period of the 1919 treaty, which was dated 18 August 1298. It was closed by the then Prime Minister of the reign of Ahmad Shah. The 1919 Iran-England contract was a major turning point in Iranian history in the modern era, and in our country's relations with England. It was widely believed that if the Reuter Treaty had provided all of Britain's wealth resources, the 1919 treaty would have yielded both wealth and power to Britain. Vosough al-Dawlah, however, saw the deal as a step toward preserving the country's territorial integrity and believed that the deal would prevent Khuzestan's sovereignty. The failure of this contract resulted in the coup d'état of March 1299 (1921), the emergence of Reza Khan, the establishment of the Pahlavi government https://www.rahbordsyasi.ir/article_110178_9ab6e0052ccaf4ab7799bdbaa04877ce.pdf

Seyed Mohammad Reza Mousavi Phd(with the participation of the Iranian Scientific Association of International Security) Journal of Political Strategy 2588-4565 3 10 2019 11 22 US presence in Afghanistan after 11 September events US presence in Afghanistan after 11 September events 19 61 110183 FA Ali Darabi Associate Professor of Political Science, Radio and Television University, Tehran, Iran Davood Taremi PhD student in International Relations, Kharazmi University, Tehran, Iran. Journal Article 2020 07 10 The collapse of the Soviet Union in the early 1990s was an opportunity for the United States to exercise its foreign policy in a unipolar world as a hegemonic power. The United States plays a key role in sustaining NATO by leading new threats, such as terrorism and Islamic fundamentalism, countering independent governments, and liberation movements opposed to Western development policies, in the leadership role of NATO (the organization that had been in crisis since the Soviet collapse). And the use of weapons of mass destruction, ensuring security and stability in the production, extraction, transmission of energy (oil and gas) and so on, all of which, according to the West, have implications for the Middle East. The 9/11 terrorist attacks can be seen as the most dramatic reflection of the US's arrogant and inhumane policies towards the Middle East and toward Muslims. The Bush administration, arguing that it had been attacked by terrorist operations, recognized the defense as its right and, in cooperation with the international community, was able to occupy Afghanistan. The United States attempted to place 9/11 as a means of achieving the short-term goal of combating terrorism and domination of the Middle East and a pretext for the long-term goal of stabilizing hegemony over the world system, as the US then divided the world into polar and hostile politics. Imperialist justify and practice The collapse of the Soviet Union in the early 1990s was an opportunity for the United States to exercise its foreign policy in a unipolar world as a hegemonic power. The United States plays a key role in sustaining NATO by leading new threats, such as terrorism and Islamic fundamentalism, countering independent governments, and liberation movements opposed to Western development policies, in the leadership role of NATO (the organization that had been in crisis since the Soviet collapse). And the use of weapons of mass destruction, ensuring security and stability in the production, extraction, transmission of energy (oil and gas) and so on, all of which, according to the West, have implications for the Middle East. The 9/11 terrorist attacks can be seen as the most dramatic reflection of the US's arrogant and inhumane policies towards the Middle East and toward Muslims. The Bush administration, arguing that it had been attacked by terrorist operations, recognized the defense as its right and, in cooperation with the international community, was able to occupy Afghanistan. The United States attempted to place 9/11 as a means of achieving the short-term goal of combating terrorism and domination of the Middle East and a pretext for the long-term goal of stabilizing hegemony over the world system, as the US then divided the world into polar and hostile politics. Imperialist justify and practice https://www.rahbordsyasi.ir/article_110183_8f3bab281381d396a84d2f0a6821d5a7.pdf

Seyed Mohammad Reza Mousavi Phd(with the participation of the Iranian Scientific Association of International Security) Journal of Political Strategy 2588-4565 3 10 2019 11 22 Understanding the Trump Administration's Maritime Strategy in the Gulf: Participation or assignment of responsibility? Understanding the Trump Administration's Maritime Strategy in the Gulf: Participation or assignment of responsibility? 63 90 110186 FA Ali Bagheri Dolatabadi Associate Professor of Political Science, Yasouj University, Yasouj, Iran Alireza Taghavinia PhD student in Political Science, University of Tehran, Tehran, Iran Hossein Fakhraee Graduate of Political Science, Yasouj University, Yasouj, Iran Journal Article 2020 07 10 Given the vital importance of the Persian Gulf in discussing world energy, the great powers have always been sensitive to maintaining stability in the region. The United States assumed this role after the British left the Persian Gulf in 1971. A role that has also been costly for the United States. With Donald Trump and his criticism of the military presence in the region, the question arises as to what constitutes the new US naval strategy in the Persian Gulf? The US Navy's military-naval strategy in the Gulf seems to be based on deep-seated participation and a widespread presence in the Persian Gulf, in line with the Trump administration's strategic documents and despite its criticisms, aimed at ensuring a free and flowing energy flow. Iran's maritime power building is in blockage of the Strait of Hormuz (containment of Iran). In this study, a library method was used for data collection and a descriptive-analytic method was used to explain the data Given the vital importance of the Persian Gulf in discussing world energy, the great powers have always been sensitive to maintaining stability in the region. The United States assumed this role after the British left the Persian Gulf in 1971. A role that has also been costly for the United States. With Donald Trump and his criticism of the military presence in the region, the question arises as to what constitutes the new US naval strategy in the Persian Gulf? The US Navy's military-naval strategy in the Gulf seems to be based on deep-seated participation and a widespread presence in the Persian Gulf, in line with the Trump administration's strategic documents and despite its criticisms, aimed at ensuring a free and flowing energy flow. Iran's maritime power building is in blockage of the Strait of Hormuz (containment of Iran). In this study, a library method was used for data collection and a descriptive-analytic method was used to explain the data https://www.rahbordsyasi.ir/article_110186_a59a8a42378f1352098e5546d5e2e78e.pdf

Seyed Mohammad Reza Mousavi Phd(with the participation of the Iranian Scientific Association of International Security) Journal of Political Strategy 2588-4565 3 10 2019 11 22 Political Development; Iran Efficiency and Legitimacy Crisis’s and Good Governance Political Development; Iran Efficiency and Legitimacy Crisis’s and Good Governance 91 123 110192 FA Housein Dost Mohammadi Master of Political Science and Researcher in Iran Reza Ekhtiari Amiri Assistant Professor, Department of Political Science, Mazandaran University, Mazandaran, Iran Journal Article 2020 07 10 Islamic Republic of Iran as one of the last political-ideological system in the 20th century is continuing to exist despite of its differences with the new dominant national and international environment. Without a doubt continuous of this procedure requires adoption of the system to the necessities of new world community such as political development paradigm. However, after four decades of life of Islamic republic of Iran, it seems that the system is countering two major crises of legitimacy and efficiency. These crises’ have targeted the existence of the system and gradually are strengthening. Accordingly, the main question of this research is that what are the reasons of the efficiency and legitimation crisis’s in the political system of Islamic Republic of Iran? And what are the solutions? The hypothesis is that Iran’s society is transitional from tradition to modern society. Such a society requires change and renovation for accepting modernization. Resistance of the political system against change and the government encountering with the society are the main reasons of the efficiency and legitimation crisis’s. the best solution for the existing crisis is applying good governance. For analyzing the research subject Lucian Pye’s theory of political development crisis’s was utilized. The research method is analytical –explanatory and the data’s were collected through library resources Islamic Republic of Iran as one of the last political-ideological system in the 20th century is continuing to exist despite of its differences with the new dominant national and international environment. Without a doubt continuous of this procedure requires adoption of the system to the necessities of new world community such as political development paradigm. However, after four decades of life of Islamic republic of Iran, it seems that the system is countering two major crises of legitimacy and efficiency. These crises’ have targeted the existence of the system and gradually are strengthening. Accordingly, the main question of this research is that what are the reasons of the efficiency and legitimation crisis’s in the political system of Islamic Republic of Iran? And what are the solutions? The hypothesis is that Iran’s society is transitional from tradition to modern society. Such a society requires change and renovation for accepting modernization. Resistance of the political system against change and the government encountering with the society are the main reasons of the efficiency and legitimation crisis’s. the best solution for the existing crisis is applying good governance. For analyzing the research subject Lucian Pye’s theory of political development crisis’s was utilized. The research method is analytical –explanatory and the data’s were collected through library resources https://www.rahbordsyasi.ir/article_110192_9455a8df6e68ee4783f3d4761603dd80.pdf

Seyed Mohammad Reza Mousavi Phd(with the participation of the Iranian Scientific Association of International Security) Journal of Political Strategy 2588-4565 3 10 2019 11 22 The Discourse of Globalization and Salafi Jihad Political Islam The Discourse of Globalization and Salafi Jihad Political Islam 125 155 110195 FA Mohsen Shafiei Saifabadi Assistant Professor, Department of Political Science, Ardakan University, Ardakan, Iran Mehdi Mohammadi Aziz Abadi Graduate of Political Science, Yasouj University, Yasouj, Iran Journal Article 2020 07 10 The main purpose of the present study is to investigate the impact of globalization discourse on the dominant discourses in the Islamic world and how the emergence of Jihadist Salafi political Islam in the light of the waves of globalization. The hypothesis under consideration is that: "Globalization, by challenging the official identity of states while paving the way for the emergence of Salafi Jihad political discourse, constitutes a fundamental challenge to the continuation of traditional power relations." The results obtained through the discourse analysis method and using the theories of Ernesto Lacla and Chantal Mouf show that globalization in some Islamic countries challenges the necessity of identity discovery and the thirst for meaning-seeking by challenging the dominant and single-discourse discourses. Has done. Salafism is one of the answers to this need. By choosing meaning and monopolizing it, they devote their energies to applying selected meanings and attributes. Meaning is restored by Salafist groups, relying on collective concepts such as Shari'ah, leadership, jihad, altruism, maximally religious and community interpretations. This has greatly affected the future of power relations in some Islamic countries The main purpose of the present study is to investigate the impact of globalization discourse on the dominant discourses in the Islamic world and how the emergence of Jihadist Salafi political Islam in the light of the waves of globalization. The hypothesis under consideration is that: "Globalization, by challenging the official identity of states while paving the way for the emergence of Salafi Jihad political discourse, constitutes a fundamental challenge to the continuation of traditional power relations." The results obtained through the discourse analysis method and using the theories of Ernesto Lacla and Chantal Mouf show that globalization in some Islamic countries challenges the necessity of identity discovery and the thirst for meaning-seeking by challenging the dominant and single-discourse discourses. Has done. Salafism is one of the answers to this need. By choosing meaning and monopolizing it, they devote their energies to applying selected meanings and attributes. Meaning is restored by Salafist groups, relying on collective concepts such as Shari'ah, leadership, jihad, altruism, maximally religious and community interpretations. This has greatly affected the future of power relations in some Islamic countries https://www.rahbordsyasi.ir/article_110195_9159b197ccbd4a974b0bb26ad45fedc0.pdf

Seyed Mohammad Reza Mousavi Phd(with the participation of the Iranian Scientific Association of International Security) Journal of Political Strategy 2588-4565 3 10 2019 11 22 Geoterrorism and the US Counterterrorism Discourse in the New Millennium Order Geoterrorism and the US Counterterrorism Discourse in the New Millennium Order 157 182 110196 FA Majid Abbasi Associate Professor of International Relations, Allameh Tabatabai University, Tehran, Iran 0000-0003-3729-5861 Sarem Shiravand PhD student in Political Geography and Geopolitics, University of Tehran Mohammad Javad Fathi PhD student in Political Science, Shahed University, Tehran, Iran Journal Article 2020 07 10 In the post-Cold War space, the geopolitical and practical model of US political and security officials has been formulated that there should be no room for the emergence of potential threats. Therefore, geopolitical discourse as a major tool in US foreign policy has become a reality, and Americans have labeled "political Islam" as a symbol of terrorism. In this regard, US geopolitical discourse was implemented by activating a pre-emptive war strategy to realize geopolitical interests: interventionism, counterterrorism, unilateralism, and ideological conflict, which can be referred to as geoterrorism strategy. . To put it another way, new post-Cold War semantic and discourse forms were introduced by the United States to antagonize and alienate them, which apparently put the fight against violence and terrorism at the forefront of its global geopolitical agenda. So the main question of this study is what is the relationship between geoterrorism and the US counterterrorism discourse in the post-Cold War order? The research hypothesis is that: "Geoterrorism is the bedrock of the discourse and the basis of US strategic policy in the post-Cold War space through which it fights against fundamentalist terrorism and the enemy of Western civilization (Islam) as its ideological counterpart after the fall of the Soviet Union. It has sought to fulfill its strategic demands, especially in the West Asian region." In the post-Cold War space, the geopolitical and practical model of US political and security officials has been formulated that there should be no room for the emergence of potential threats. Therefore, geopolitical discourse as a major tool in US foreign policy has become a reality, and Americans have labeled "political Islam" as a symbol of terrorism. In this regard, US geopolitical discourse was implemented by activating a pre-emptive war strategy to realize geopolitical interests: interventionism, counterterrorism, unilateralism, and ideological conflict, which can be referred to as geoterrorism strategy. . To put it another way, new post-Cold War semantic and discourse forms were introduced by the United States to antagonize and alienate them, which apparently put the fight against violence and terrorism at the forefront of its global geopolitical agenda. So the main question of this study is what is the relationship between geoterrorism and the US counterterrorism discourse in the post-Cold War order? The research hypothesis is that: "Geoterrorism is the bedrock of the discourse and the basis of US strategic policy in the post-Cold War space through which it fights against fundamentalist terrorism and the enemy of Western civilization (Islam) as its ideological counterpart after the fall of the Soviet Union. It has sought to fulfill its strategic demands, especially in the West Asian region." https://www.rahbordsyasi.ir/article_110196_727342c02634e17ec21dd4cca797f2a8.pdf

Seyed Mohammad Reza Mousavi Phd(with the participation of the Iranian Scientific Association of International Security) Journal of Political Strategy 2588-4565 3 10 2019 11 22 A Comparative Study of the Iranian Revolution and the French Revolution Based on Crane Brenton's Theory A Comparative Study of the Iranian Revolution and the French Revolution Based on Crane Brenton's Theory 183 203 110197 FA Masoud Akhavan Kazemi Associate Professor of Political Science, Razi University, Kermanshah, Iran. 0000-0003-4129-9689 Omid Shokraneh Arzanagi Master's degree student in Sociology of the Islamic Revolution, Razi University, Kermanshah, Iran Journal Article 2020 07 10 There have been revolutions in the history of the world, and there may be many similarities and differences between these revolutions. A comparative comparison of the Islamic Revolution with revolutions such as the French Revolution, the Russian Revolution, and مناسب provides us with a suitable analytical model for a more accurate understanding of the dimensions and effects of this revolution. The present article examines, compares and adapts the two Iranian and French revolutions, the differences and similarities between the two revolutions, and their application to Crane Brenton's theory. Comparing similar phenomena can be helpful in understanding them as much as possible. For this purpose, economic conditions, military conditions, international support, political conditions, etc., the stage before and after the victory of the two great world revolutions, ie the French Revolution, have been studied and compared with the Islamic Revolution of Iran. The results show that there are commonalities between the two Iranian and French revolutions in some respects, such as pervasive ideology, global and international influences, the social nature of the revolution, and the creation of new political discourses such as equality, freedom, and so on. . But there are fundamental differences between the two Iranian and French revolutions in terms of the formation of the revolution and the implementation of the four phases of Brenton's theory There have been revolutions in the history of the world, and there may be many similarities and differences between these revolutions. A comparative comparison of the Islamic Revolution with revolutions such as the French Revolution, the Russian Revolution, and مناسب provides us with a suitable analytical model for a more accurate understanding of the dimensions and effects of this revolution. The present article examines, compares and adapts the two Iranian and French revolutions, the differences and similarities between the two revolutions, and their application to Crane Brenton's theory. Comparing similar phenomena can be helpful in understanding them as much as possible. For this purpose, economic conditions, military conditions, international support, political conditions, etc., the stage before and after the victory of the two great world revolutions, ie the French Revolution, have been studied and compared with the Islamic Revolution of Iran. The results show that there are commonalities between the two Iranian and French revolutions in some respects, such as pervasive ideology, global and international influences, the social nature of the revolution, and the creation of new political discourses such as equality, freedom, and so on. . But there are fundamental differences between the two Iranian and French revolutions in terms of the formation of the revolution and the implementation of the four phases of Brenton's theory https://www.rahbordsyasi.ir/article_110197_6fd223e96a2a3b9f8bd6428b9b0f8094.pdf

Seyed Mohammad Reza Mousavi Phd(with the participation of the Iranian Scientific Association of International Security) Journal of Political Strategy 2588-4565 3 10 2019 11 22 Politics from Heidegger's point of view Politics from Heidegger's point of view 205 229 110198 FA Ebrahim Siahposh PhD student in Political Sociology, University of Tehran, Tehran, Iran. Mohammadsajad Shiroody PhD student in Political Sociology, University of Tehran, Tehran, Iran. Journal Article 2020 07 10 Although Heidegger, like other political philosophers, has not entered into debates in political philosophy such as political freedom, social justice, civil rights, and so on, he has been able to enter into general issues such as "politics from Heidegger's perspective". Elements and concepts such as co-existence, historicity, collective destiny, and dictatorship are the foundations of Heidegger's political thinking, though he himself considers the correct understanding of the political subject to be based on a correct understanding of the truth and freedom. Therefore, in this article, considering how people's view of politics is subject to their anthropology, man examines Heidegger from Dasein's perspective and then enters into topics such as freedom, truth, politics, humanism, and traditional metaphysics from the perspective of this great philosopher. We will become the twentieth century. Naturally, Heidegger's attention to the ontological (human) ontology (human being) can be a good prelude to specific social and political research Although Heidegger, like other political philosophers, has not entered into debates in political philosophy such as political freedom, social justice, civil rights, and so on, he has been able to enter into general issues such as "politics from Heidegger's perspective". Elements and concepts such as co-existence, historicity, collective destiny, and dictatorship are the foundations of Heidegger's political thinking, though he himself considers the correct understanding of the political subject to be based on a correct understanding of the truth and freedom. Therefore, in this article, considering how people's view of politics is subject to their anthropology, man examines Heidegger from Dasein's perspective and then enters into topics such as freedom, truth, politics, humanism, and traditional metaphysics from the perspective of this great philosopher. We will become the twentieth century. Naturally, Heidegger's attention to the ontological (human) ontology (human being) can be a good prelude to specific social and political research https://www.rahbordsyasi.ir/article_110198_01ece447e270600f51e1c71f8467580d.pdf

Seyed Mohammad Reza Mousavi Phd(with the participation of the Iranian Scientific Association of International Security) Journal of Political Strategy 2588-4565 3 10 2019 11 22 Consequences of China's presence in the Persian Gulf on the Islamic Republic of Iran Consequences of China's presence in the Persian Gulf on the Islamic Republic of Iran 231 249 110199 FA Atyeh Soleimani M.Sc. Student of Regional Studies Middle East, Allameh Tabatabai University, Tehran, Iran Mohammad Ghanbari Barzyan M.Sc. Student of Regional Studies Middle East, Allameh Tabatabai University, Tehran, Iran Journal Article 2020 07 10 In recent years, we have witnessed an increase in the presence and activity of the People's Republic of China in the Persian Gulf due to the growing need for energy resources such as oil and gas to develop the economy and industry, as well as expanding trade relations with other countries in the Persian Gulf. China's extensive activity in the Persian Gulf will have major consequences for both China and other countries in the region and beyond. Therefore, the main question of this research is why China seeks to increase its presence in the Persian Gulf and what will be the consequences for the Islamic Republic of Iran. The research hypothesis emphasizes that China's main goal in increasing its presence in the Persian Gulf is to develop economic and trade relations, to continue purchasing energy and to make the region's economy dependent, and to challenge US influence in the region. Given the hostile relations between Iran and the United States and the context of the Islamic Republic's convergence with China, this will be in the national interest of Iran. In this study, descriptive-analytical method has been used and the method of data collection is documentary and library. In recent years, we have witnessed an increase in the presence and activity of the People's Republic of China in the Persian Gulf due to the growing need for energy resources such as oil and gas to develop the economy and industry, as well as expanding trade relations with other countries in the Persian Gulf. China's extensive activity in the Persian Gulf will have major consequences for both China and other countries in the region and beyond. Therefore, the main question of this research is why China seeks to increase its presence in the Persian Gulf and what will be the consequences for the Islamic Republic of Iran. The research hypothesis emphasizes that China's main goal in increasing its presence in the Persian Gulf is to develop economic and trade relations, to continue purchasing energy and to make the region's economy dependent, and to challenge US influence in the region. Given the hostile relations between Iran and the United States and the context of the Islamic Republic's convergence with China, this will be in the national interest of Iran. In this study, descriptive-analytical method has been used and the method of data collection is documentary and library. https://www.rahbordsyasi.ir/article_110199_a7be7d1bbbaef5d3f9e15ecdb9fb396a.pdf

Seyed Mohammad Reza Mousavi Phd(with the participation of the Iranian Scientific Association of International Security) Journal of Political Strategy 2588-4565 3 10 2019 11 22 Reaction to Russian policy in Eastern Europe Reaction to Russian policy in Eastern Europe 251 268 114052 FA Seyed Javad Sebtahmad Master of International Relations, Islamic Azad University, Qom Branch, Qom, Iran Journal Article 2020 09 13 <span class="tlid-translation translation" lang="en">According to the theory of aggressive realism, governments not only seek to dominate their region, but also seek to prevent their rivals from gaining hegemony in other regions. Russia, dissatisfied with its degraded position from a superpower to a great power, has made the return of a superpower its long-term strategic goal, but since this goal is not achievable in the short term, it seeks to maintain its structure. The current and the attempt to not degrade from its position using an aggressive realistic strategy in foreign policy. Therefore, the purpose of this study is to investigate the concept of aggressive realism based on Mersheimer's theory and analysis of Russian policy in Eastern Europe. The present research is descriptive-analytical method and the collection of materials has been done in the form of libraries, magazines, articles and online publications in this field.</span> <span class="tlid-translation translation" lang="en">According to the theory of aggressive realism, governments not only seek to dominate their region, but also seek to prevent their rivals from gaining hegemony in other regions. Russia, dissatisfied with its degraded position from a superpower to a great power, has made the return of a superpower its long-term strategic goal, but since this goal is not achievable in the short term, it seeks to maintain its structure. The current and the attempt to not degrade from its position using an aggressive realistic strategy in foreign policy. Therefore, the purpose of this study is to investigate the concept of aggressive realism based on Mersheimer's theory and analysis of Russian policy in Eastern Europe. The present research is descriptive-analytical method and the collection of materials has been done in the form of libraries, magazines, articles and online publications in this field.</span> https://www.rahbordsyasi.ir/article_114052_100cd875815414874349f055890186cf.pdf